In the last 20 years urban development in the Arab Gulf Region has boomed as the combined result of increased oil revenues, diversification of the local economy away from oil and its byproducts, increased immigration flows, and geopolitical transformations (Al Buainain, 1999; Bagaeen, 2007; Elsheshtawy, 2008; Rizzo, 2013). Gulf governments and their agencies - along with members of the ruling families who sit at the same time in ministries and in boards of private companies (Ponzini, 2011) - have been the main players to fund and implement urban mega-projects - i.e. large, themed urban-developments (Rizzo, 2013).Furthermore, in the last ten years there has been a clear tendency in the Gulf Region to build offshore, sea-reclaimed mega-projects (Koolhaas et al., 2007). Amongst the small, rich Arab states of the Gulf, Dubai has been the first and the boldest emirate to implement sea-megaprojects - e.g. Jumeirah’s and Jebel Ali’s Palms, World Archipelago, etc. (Pacione, 2005; Ouis, 2011). Recently, Dubai’s approach to urban development has been exported to several other countries within and beyond the Gulf Region; Elsheshtawy (2010) has labeled this trend/phenomenon “Dubaisation”.In this paper we present the biggest, sea-reclaimed urban project in Qatar (i.e. The Pearl Island) to analyse politics and processes of mega water-developments in the Arab Gulf Region. Also, in our study, we briefly touch on the socio-economic (exclusion/segregation) impacts/sustainability of this sea-megaproject on Doha, Qatar’s capital city.